Pages on This Blog: Works and Documentation

Showing posts with label research. Show all posts
Showing posts with label research. Show all posts

Monday 29 August 2022

To Have and Have Not: Penises, Faces, and Other Bodily Bits

 Is the phallus still the single, most stable, identifiable gender definer: by its presence, or by its absence? In this world view (which I have seen personally expressed in many ways online - here's a screenshot of one single forum thread on the art and community website DeviantArt, posted in May 2022), wherein presence of a penis = male. Absence = female. The end.

Even taking into account the feasibility of mere trolling in the above (note the deliberate nazi references in the OP), the point is inescapable that these views are pervasive, and cross multiple territories (a number of DA forum regulars are not Anglo-American and do not have English as a first language). An advocate who believes that transwomen with penises can be classified as women is unlikely to argue the opposite "for lolz". We are returned to the nasty old-fashioned Freudian binary: that those who have, have the privilege of masculinity and maleness (whether they want it or not), and those who don't, don't. Again, the end. Only full GRS can remove this stigma, assuming it also comes with full legal and social acceptance of the newly-assigned gender.

One text (thanks to Dr. Angela Jones for recommending it) which has become fundamental to my background reading is 'Gender: An Ethnomethodological Approach' by Kessler & McKenna. Thus:

            "Penises and vaginas are the criteria by which gender is assigned at birth. Penis means ‘‘male” and labia and vagina means “ female,” and that, except in the most ambiguous cases, is all that is necessary to determine the neonate’s gender. There is some question as to whether the formula is really labia and vagina = fem ale, or whether it is instead no penis = female, since at birth there is no search (i.e., internal examination) for a vagina or clitoris." - Kessler & McKenna, p. 58.

The privileging of the masculine by patriarchal surgical, medical and surrounding discourse (which is also discussed at length by Dr. Anne Fausto-Sterling ('Sexing the Body', passim)) - is again iterated:

            "[...] in a case where a mother amputated the penis of her 15-month-old son, the medical team made the decision to keep him “ male,” despite the fact that he no longer had a penis (Westman and Zarwell, 1975). The medical basis of this decision seems to have been that reassigning him as female, and perform ing the necessary surgery, would have necessitated castration and thus rendered this individual sterile. A fertile male without a penis was seen as preferable to a sterile female with a vagina." (ibid.)

In which case, we are reminded of the sociological purpose of women as 'child bearers', and the recent Irish political designation of spinsters as "redundant women".

But this blog deals with more than genitalia, and Kessler and McKenna note the external details which are used, at first glance, to gender individuals: 

            "Our purpose in soliciting reasons was not to catalog them, detailing stages in cognitive development. Ample evidence has already been collected (e.g., Kohlberg, 1966; Katcher, 1955; Thompson and Bentler, 1971) which shows that young children cite hair length and clothing as gender cues and that adults use biological signs. The reasons that the youngest children gave suggest that they have not yet learned that any reason is not enough; it must be a “ good reason.” That is, it must be placed within a gender “ appropriate” context. For example, both preschool and adult participants frequently gave body parts as reasons. While pre-schoolers, for the most part, merely named the body part (“ Why is this a picture of a boy?” "His hands” or “ His face” ), the adults characterized the features in a particular way ("Because of the aggressive expression on his face ” or “Because his arms are in an athletic pose” )." - P.105

This feeds handily into recent research I've been doing on the physiognomy of gender, about which I've so far been unable to find many general studies. There are, however, a couple of interesting papers on the relations between gender, social power and dominance. 

            "Traits associated with physical maturity and strength may have acquired a signaling function for dominance among humans as they have, in an analogous fashion, among other species. For example, individuals with prominent, square jaws may appear "dominant" because jaw growth indicates maturing dentition and fully developed teeth are used for intimidation among many primates (Guthrie, 1970). " (Caroline F. Keating, Social Psychology Quarterly 985, Vol. 48, NO. 1, 61-70, Gender and the Physiognomy of Dominance and Attractiveness, p. 62.)

Given the historical place of women in traditionally submissive or non-dominant roles, this has some bearing on the modern stereotype of lesbians as commonly having 'butch' or 'masculine' facial attributes. Whether the mere possession of such attributes contributes to making one eventually become gay (due to repeated rejection by stereotypically-minded members of the opposing sex) is another matter, and one that's well beyond my scope of research.

Keating goes on:

            "Morphological cues of nondominance [...] have received more attention than those of dominance, perhaps because of the Lorenzian notion of the "cute response" (see Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1975:400). Lorenz (1943) postulated that certain infantile features evolved their appealing nature because they operated as cues for caretaking responses. Consistent with Lorenz's notion, several investigators found that the babyishness of cephalic shape determined perceived cuteness for schematic drawings (Alley, 1981; Brooks and Haebberg, 1960; Hildebrandt and Fitzged, 1979). Preferences for photographs of infant rather than adult faces of both human and non-human species were reported for post-pubescent human males and females (Fullard and Re-, 1976). Sternglanz et al. (1977) collected "attractiveness" ratings from college students who viewed schematized baby faces with systematically varied features (e.g., chin size, eye shape, iris size, etc.). Feature variations which produced the highest attractiveness ratings were consistent with Lorenz's proposals (Sternglanz et al., 1977). " (p.62)

            "From a sociobiological perspective, likely dominance cues are traits associated with physiognomic characteristics, such as jaw prominence, that promote successful intraspecific competition. Identi-Kit faces with prominent, square jaws were therefore hypothesized to appear more dominant than those with more rounded ones. Dominance cues are also likely to involve traits that accompany status differentiators such as age. The amount of facial hair increases following puberty (especially in males), and so faces with bushy or thick eyebrows were expected to appear dominant relative to those with thin eyebrows (Guthrie, 1970). Large eyes, another juvenile trait, were predicted to look nondominant relative to small eyes (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1975: Guthrie, 1790; Lorenz, 1943: Sternglanz et a]., 1977). Thick or pudgy lips are also characteristic of babies and were expected to diminish dominance ratings for adult faces (Keating et a]., 1981 b). Dominance cues were expected to be associated with attractiveness for male faces but not for females. Nondominance cues were predicted to correspond with perceived attractiveness for female faces and make male faces less attractive. 

            "For both male and female faces, the combination of brows, eyes, lips and jaw designed to look adultlike rather than childlike boosted dominance ratings, as predicted. Furthermore, variations in eye size or lip thickness alone were reliable dominance cues. These findings are consistent with the sociobiological arguments guiding the selection of trait manipulations. Dominance was conveyed by the relatively small eyes and thin lips associated with adult development. Nondominance was signalled by the large eyes and thick lips associated with the prepubescent young of our species. 

            "In general, traits that served as dominance cues for male faces made female faces look less attractive and male faces look more attractive. Female faces were perceived as attractive when displaying traits that made male faces appear submissive (a "Tootsie Effect") and unattractive (Keating, forthcoming). Perhaps the neotenous traits displayed by females of nonhuman species are analogous to the human situation. The notion that perceptions of dominance and attractiveness are differently related for males and females implies that the basis of attraction may rest. in part, on perceptions of dominance. When a woman looks too "masculine" or a man too "feminine" perhaps what is violated is not only a gender distinction but a dominance or status distinction as well. "Feminine" or nondominant characteristics may make males look weak but make females look appealing." (p. 69)

Keating sums up the pervasiveness of all of this in our culture:

            "These arguments are supported by common observations of feminine beauty techniques. The typical prescription for "beauty" in Western culture includes making eyes look larger and brows thinner and arched. These techniques could be viewed as a sort of culturally prescribed neoteny (Guthrie. 1970). The present study suggests that such interpersonal perceptions are not arbitrary, cultural inventions but are patterned by primate evolution." (ibid.)

We can see, then, that industries such as the beauty and glamour worlds, and popular media such as men's magazines, comics, video games, etc., all strictly adhere to, rather than deviate from, these repetitive social/evolutionary cues in which strong, aggressive and dominant men, and non-aggressive, non-dominant women, are the norm (even in media in which women are portrayed as "tough" or aggressive, they also must typically still be rendered "sexy" - a tough female character who is also aggressive and rendered physically unattractive (by the conventional means described above) will very likely be a lesbian, trans*, a villain, or some combination thereof. The action/aggression aspects of characters such as Lara Croft, then, are in no way incompatible with the physical representation of the character for the target demographic: eye candy for the male gamer, while they carry on with the traditional male, aggressive, dominant behaviour of fighting/exploring/winning/kicking ass in general. The character does not, physically (oversized tits, hourglass physique) or physiognomically (big eyes and lips, small chin), present herself as inherently aggressive or dominant. That feature is only accessible via the actual gameplay, which, of course, the male gamer has full control of (more of this kind of discussion in my previous blog post, here).

Of similar interest is another paper authored by Eva G. Krumhuber, Xijing Wang and Ana Guinote, 'The powerful self: How social power and gender infuence face perception' (Current Psychology https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-022-02798. Accepted: 26 January 2022):

            "Of particular importance is facial dominance, associated with characteristics such as a prominent jawline, pronounced eyebrows, and thin lips (Van-Vugt & Grabo, 2015). Those who look strong and dominant are favored as leaders and attain higher ranks in organizational settings. For example, people with dominant facial features are more likely to reach higher military rankings, achieve business success, and receive more votes in political campaigns (e.g., Alrajih & Ward, 2014; Little et al., 2007; Mueller & Mazur, 1996)." (p.2)

            "Whilst social power is something desirable for men, it may create a backlash against women who risk negative social reactions (Eagly & Karau, 2002). In line with this argument, female power holders are often described as ‘iron maiden’ and ‘ice-queens’ (Heilman et al., 2004), with the effect that they are judged as more hostile (e.g., devious, bitter; Heilman et al., 1995). They experience criticism and penalization from both men and women (Rudman, 1998), and are viewed as less socially skilled and feminine than their male counterparts (Rudman & Glick, 1999; Wang et al., 2018). Also, dominant behavior and appearance fail to increase the perceived attractiveness of women, whereas they do so in men (Brescoll & Uhlmann, 2008; Sadalla et al., 1987). In fact, female faces are rated as attractive the more submissive/immature features they contain such as a round face, large eyes, and a small chin (Keating, 1985). (p. 3)

            "Traits that serve as dominance cues for men (i.e., masculine facial features) may therefore not be appealing to women (Sutherland et al., 2015) because they violate conventions of appropriate female behavior (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Instead, socially shared expectations that link women with submissiveness may constitute the preferred point of view (Bailey & Kelly, 2015). This could lead to the visual representation of own faces in which the self is predominantly aligned with perceptions of low power/dominance. As women come to internalize gender-stereotypic roles, submissive traits and appearances related to the self may appear more typical and desirable. As such, women’s submissive self-face schemas as shown in this research could have a self-perpetuating function that may prevent them from taking on power-related roles*. In contrast, dominant self-face schemas held by men may be automatically activated when opportunities arise to acquire or maintain power (Wellington et al., 2003). These self-selection processes then complement environmental pressures and social discrimination (Meyerson & Fletcher, 2000)." (p. 11)

*My italics. A relevant point in relation to the perpetuation of male-to-female trans* stereotypes and the need for, f'rexample, facial feminization surgery and such.

Of interest within this paper is the use of computer-generated facial images, tending along a spectrum of most dominant -> most submissive (for male and female - although, only Caucasian - subjects), which is similar in line to the proposed work I'm undertaking (via the https://metahuman.unrealengine.com/ digital face generator) for preparing a spectrum of gendered physiognomies, in an attempt to locate the point - for a general consensus of viewers - at which clear and explicit gender breaks down, and ambiguity is introduced:




The character is based on 'Frankie', the non-binary lead and narrator of my graphic novel series 'Sinister Rouge' (2019-20), and its development in this virtual environment has direct links to my own personal aesthetics of physiognomy, as well as the feedback I have received over the years in that regard. As it stands, the project is to define a female character that is universally declared to "look female", and then tweak her features increasingly until questions, confusion and - ultimately - accusations of "maleness" or "trans-ness" creep into the responses. How I will enable this research to be conducted is for further down the line however, and something that will need to be discussed at length.

Moving back to the issues of 'reading' a person's characteristics from their facial structure (shades of the phrenology pseudo-science, and the recent Stanford University 'gay face' study), I wonder if the perceived femininity (and, ultimately, the attractiveness thereof) of a face is determined by that face's apparent submissiveness. If big eyes on a girl or woman are deemed attractive - because big eyes look innocent, childlike, and (relatively) non-aggressive, non-threatening - then clearly, in opposition, narrow eyes on a woman ought to indicate the reverse? Japanese culture, via manga and anime, explicitly refers to these tropes (the characteristic large, often very detailed, eyes of anime characters are derived from 1960s Disney creatures) with 'boy eyes' and 'girl eyes'. 

Power and dominance over an individual seems to be a driving force behind what is perceived as attractiveness. Narrow eyes and a stern chin will make some viewers uncomfortable if they are juxtaposed with a stereotypically 'sexy' physiology (a major part of my own drawing practice) and therefore the normative/cis-het dominant male viewer would reject such a representation. This, I suspect, is part of the driving force behind a lot of male-to-female transphobia - that the attractive, submissive elements of traditional womanhood are offset by too manly a facial structure (in some cases) which then perturbs, disrupts, the initial lust response once a closer, second look has been taken, and the viewer wonders if the person they liked the look of at first sight, may turn out to be just as dominant or aggressive as they themselves? A case of hitting too close to home, perhaps?

Thursday 11 November 2021

Where have all the opinions gone..?

 As discussed recently with my first supervisor, I've already encountered one of the potential stumbling blocks in this line of research: we cannot force people to react, or interact, with a work, or with anybody else. Hoping to rekindle the kind of debates and discussions on gendered aesthetics I used to have on Deviantart.com when I was a member there 2007-2017, I rejoined a month ago and posted the three images comprising the '3 Questioning Cartoons' series. Despite several hundred hits apiece, zero comments and a few likes each (which I would more than happily trade for actual feedback) are all that have been received to date.

I later posted a photographic pinup work from the first semester of my MFAAH and discovered that even the trolls now no longer have the courage of their own convictions:




Whilst getting into fiery debates about self-image, gender identity and trans rights isn't my best idea of a good time, part of the point of this research is to understand why people insist upon thinking a specific way, and the fact they continue to do so is why this research exists at all. It occurs to me that 'comment culture' and feedback have become deprecated in recent years thanks to other social media and forms of interaction, where all that matters is a single 'like' or 'dislike' click, and number of 'hits'. That, and the tendency for many to explode with fury at the slightest provocation, the mindset which sees any form of response (that is not 100% cuddly-positive) as beyond offensive and a flagrant breach of their human rights, and it's no wonder that some just choose to not enter that arena in the first place. But being in the arena, one expects to be met with furious tigers and big guys swinging swords, not tumbleweeds and distant, unanswered cat-calls.

I must be one of the few artists or internet users around who longs for the days when people just posted whatever the hell they felt like saying...all in the interests of research, of course.

Tuesday 9 November 2021

The Beginning: The Proposal

Starting at the beginning: the revised, abbreviated, and fairly rough proposal which was accepted by my supervisory team in autumn 2021, and which frames all the work, research, thinking and tangents which follow.
Title: Towards an Ontology of Gendered Aesthetics: Surveying Topologies of Self and Other in Performance, Society and Media

Description: A practice-led exploration, analysis and critique of the non-binary body in representation, in private reality and being, and in the public consciousness

Research Questions:
Why do some symbols persist universally in human collective consciousness (e.g. the hermaphrodite being, myths of gender-swapping beings/heroes, shamanistic bi-gendered ambiguity) and are yet ridiculed, challenged and suppressed in society and culture?
What constitutes an “acceptable” depiction of a non-standard body is there such a thing? In what contexts?
Why can ‘niche’ areas like stage performance in an arts context and pornography seem less exclusionary of the Other in gender identity than the general public sphere?

Influenced by trans writer Juliet Jacques’ call for an écriture trans-féminine (after Cixous, see http://julietjacques.com), I hope to explore areas of experience and inner vs outer perception: for example in sexual contexts (e.g online interactions), and in general perceptions – a return to my ‘phiz/phys’ (physiognomy/physicality correspondence/duality) and how the Sartrian ‘look’ of the Other builds (or destroys) the inner sense of selfhood, creating a very real ‘hell’ that is ‘other people’ for those of non-cis gender. My own recent experience in online sex work (documented privately at some length last autumn) may shed some light on the darker (i.e., less illuminated, often ignored/stigmatised) side of non-cis/het being and lived experiences, responses, and interactions. This field of investigation helps to respond to 2 of my initial research questions:

1. What constitutes an “acceptable” depiction of a non-standard body – is there such a thing? In what contexts?
2. Why can ‘niche’ areas like stage performance in an arts context and pornography seem less exclusionary of the Other in gender identity than the general public sphere?

Trans discussions of sexual experiences may be accused of paraphiliac undertones (e.g. autogynephilia1, fetishized cross-dressing, auto-erotic narcissism) but this must not bar the genuine lived experiences of others from being regarded on the same level as cis/het or gay/lesbian expressions of queer sex, attraction, and problems (attitudes, prejudices) encountered therein. A key text here: Julia Serano, Whipping Girl.

As recent MFAAH work has covered much mythologically-inspired practice, I’ll use the myth/collective unconscious aspect as a starting point, through references to hermaphroditism/bisexuality (cf. Juliet Mitchell, Feminism & Psychoanaysis).
Reiterating the flattening of high/low socio-cultural dichotomies (cf. Takeshi Murakami’s ‘Superflat’ theory) and interrogating those same existing structures (cf. Foucault, Stallybrass & White writing after Bakhtin on the grotesque body and carnivalesque – also Linda Neade, The Female Nude) - exploring the rhizomatic forms of such structures and where these structures break down (or don’t), and where fetishized constructions and judgement values are applied in a specific non-cis context (whilst acknowledging limited work already exploring, for example, non-fetishized attraction in males to transwomen – see Evangelista, 2020). As I already have a documentary body of work from these experiences, I’ve (tentatively) begun a series of photographic pieces echoing both the artist-as-sculpture concepts of Bruce McLean (‘Nice Style’ pose band, ‘Pose Works for Plinth’) and the fetishistic sculptures of Allen Jones (‘Women as Furniture’) in which I respond directly to the gaze of viewers, conversations, demands and comments received during my 5 months of online wor in 20202. Hence, the performativity of trans selfhood and how performance constructs the self through the reactions gained from others in a certain symbiosis (expectation→ reaction → fulfilment). Another key text: Laura Mulvey, Visual & Other Pleasures.

Returning to the phiz/phys concept of perceived gender aesthetics, what constitutes gendered (usually arbitrary/essentialist) human features and body parts? Hence, drawings/renderings of ‘difficult’ (ambiguous) comic-book style portraits and subjects as a response to the 2018 Comicsgate debacle, and negativity directed against my own works in this field over the years: thus, a challenge to fixed positions of ‘gendered faces and bodies’, and exploration of the narrow field of cis/het male expectation with regard to the aesthetics of female characters and representation (as well as trans/NB characters3). This may then move into public anonymized surveying.

A starting point for possible research outcome: Penthesilea (film), Mulvey & Woollen, 1974.

1 Admittedly a controversial term, which warrants further analysis as my work hopes to cover not only the trans/NB person as perceived by the Other, but also how such persons perceive themselves, and behave/display themselves as a result of this inner perception (as well seeing Self as Other).
2 From an ethical and data collecting point of view, such statements and attitudes may have limited value – one issue raised against the Stanford ‘gay face’ study was that it utilised image data pulled from adult dating sites. The best use of these messages might be the informing of art practice rather than as ‘hard’ data or research, given the circumstances in which most of them were created – although they do present a spectrum of attitude and perception towards the author in a specific anonymised, social context, from a broad cross-section of male viewers – wherein, the intersection of race, nationality/culture, language, and even income became apparent.
3 Traditionally, female readers are far happier with androgynous figures than males – hence the great popularity of Japanese anime and manga among queer and female fans and creators.
 

The Future of Personal Research, and a Bit More

 Having spent the past few months completing Fragments of a Punk Opera , working on my PhD upgrade 'exam' and with the odd dash of a...